Across Jakarta, many major public landmarks are designed in the socialist realist style made famous by Soviet artists during Stalin’s era. This cultural influence reflects deeper ties, as Indonesia’s relationship with Russia recently drew unexpected attention during Australia’s federal election campaign. The spotlight came after military intelligence group Janes reported that Russia aimed to deploy long-range aircraft to an air base in Indonesia’s Papua province.
Indonesia’s Defence Minister has since clarified that such plans will not proceed.
However, Russia has long worked to build military relationships with Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries over many years.
“There has been strong and ongoing Russian interest in Indonesia,” said Leszek Buszynski, an honorary professor at the Australian National University’s Strategic & Defence Studies Centre.
These ties are not limited to military cooperation and arms deals.
Indonesia’s Minister of Culture, Fadli Zon—also the vice chairman of President Prabowo Subianto’s Gerindra Party—is a well-known admirer of Russia. He holds a degree in Russian literature from the University of Indonesia, the nation’s leading academic institution.
In the lead-up to the 2019 presidential election, which Subianto ultimately lost, Zon praised Russian President Vladimir Putin as the type of strong leader Indonesia needed. “If we want to rise and win, we need a leader like Vladimir Putin: courageous, visionary, smart, and wise,” he stated.
Indonesia’s BRICS move seen as natural step
Many Indonesians, like citizens in other parts of the global south, don’t share the same critical views of Russia that are common in the West.
While countries like Australia have imposed sanctions on Russia due to its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, non-aligned nations such as India and Indonesia have continued to purchase Russian arms and energy.
A Pew survey from mid-2023 showed that while 70% of Australians had a “very unfavourable” opinion of Russia, only 6% of Indonesians felt the same.
This doesn’t necessarily reflect broad support for Putin’s government, though.
Indonesia’s founding president Sukarno—who is still admired across political lines—had strong ties with the Soviet Union, which explains the socialist-style monuments in Jakarta. However, relations declined sharply after the violent suppression of the Indonesian Communist Party in the mid-1960s and the rise of Suharto’s right-wing regime.
Since both the fall of the Soviet Union and Suharto’s New Order in the 1990s, ties between Indonesia and Russia have gradually strengthened again.
In January of this year, Indonesia became the first Southeast Asian nation to join BRICS—a bloc of influential countries from the global south originally formed by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.
Susannah Patton, head of the Lowy Institute’s Southeast Asia Program, told ABC Radio National Breakfast that it made sense for Indonesia to join BRICS, as the group amplifies the voices of non-Western powers.
“I wouldn’t interpret Indonesia’s move as aligning with China and Russia,” she said, noting that BRICS includes a diverse mix of countries. “Like Brazil and India, Indonesia is non-aligned rather than anti-Western.”
She added that President Prabowo’s interest in BRICS reflects his ambition for Indonesia to play a more active role in international diplomacy.
Professor Buszynski also welcomed this development.
“A strong, confident, non-aligned Indonesia that isn’t easily swayed by potential adversaries is a strategic asset,” he said.
“Having Indonesia as a stabilizing presence to our north—especially in the context of China—is far more beneficial for us.”
